Anneke van Baalen, HIDDEN MASCULINITY, Max Weber's historical sociology of bureaucracy. 1994
Chapter 7 The city: new fraternities of patriarchs
114
The character of law changes in the same way. From being founded on charisma it becomes
rationally instituted, retaining only the charismatic trait that in case of dispute there can only
be one correct decision.
9
The anti-authoritarian transformation of charisma is therefore an important link in the process
of rationalization. According to Weber the medieval 'plebeian city' played an important role in
this process, although in his analysis it also was dependent on a rationalization process
which already existed.
Weber calls the anti-authoritarian form of charismatic legitimacy 'plebiscitary democracy'; it is
'a variant of charismatic authority, which hides behind a legitimacy that is formally derived
from the will of the governed.'
10
The foundation for the rational administration of a
plebiscitary democracy is still charismatic: the personal administrative staff 'is recruited in a
charismatic way usually from able people of humble origin' and can be dismissed at will.
Thus Weber, by showing in his conceptual exposition that city domination is 'anti-
authoritarian charismatic domination', restores the consistency of his analysis, which
seemed to be lost in the title of his essay on the city. According to his conceptual exposition
domination cannot do without legitimacy for a long period, if only because the relationship
between the leader and his staff is always based on the leader claiming legitimacy of his
domination. The 'illegitimacy' of the city domination indeed only refers to one aspect of it: its
position towards the traditional, patrimonial rulers.
The ambiguity in Weber's essay on the city manifests itself when he discusses the concepts
of 'democracy' and 'dictatorship' without differentiating between them. His later treatment of
these concepts would have clarified the essay; a more correct title for it would have been
'the city as a breach with traditional domination and the establishment of plebiscitary
democracy'.
In the essay on the city Weber's analysis focuses on one aspect of the Western city only: on
its 'revolutionary' origins, which he views as the decisive difference between the occidental
city and all other cities. Everyday, private aspects of the social relations and economic
activities in the city remain outside of his treatment, except for the market, since this form of
economic action is of a public, rational character.
I will therefore first of all summarize Weber's conceptualization of the 'market consociation'
('Vergesellschaftung)', which he sees as common to all cities, also the non-autonomous
ones.
9
'Correspondingly, the recognition of charismatic decrees and judicial decisions on the part of the community
shifts to the belief that the group has a right to enact, recognize, or appeal laws, according to its own free will,
both in general and for an individual case. Under genuinely charismatic authority, on the other hand, conflicts
over the correct law amy actually be decided by a group vote, but this takes place under the pressure of feeling
that there can be only one correct decision, an it is a matter of duty to arrive at this. However, in the new
interpretation the treatment of law approaches the case of legal authority.' ES p. 267, WG p. 156.
10
As examples of city dictators Weber gives 'the Hellenic aisymnetai, tyrants and demagogues; in Rome
Gracchus and his successors; in the Italian city states the capitani del popolo and mayors; and certain types of
political leaders in the German cities such as emerged in the democratic dictatorship of Zürich.' 'Wherever
attempts have been made to legitimize this kind of exercise of power, legitimacy has been sought in recognition
by the sovereign people through a plebiscite.' ES p. 268, WG p. 156. See further below, Ch. 10,1.
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